Chapter 84: The An Lushan Rebellion

Zhen Qian's rebirth in the Zhen Mansion was both a blessing and a curse.

The social standing of the Zhen family brought Zhen Qian many advantages; after all, it is said that having connections in court makes it easy to become an official. Zhen Qian had just passed both the Mathematics and Classics examinations with distinction, and his appointment was promptly issued. Had it not been for the misfortune of the startled horse, which prevented him from taking office, he would already be a minor county official by now. If, three years later, he were to excel in the merit review, perhaps he might be transferred to serve in the capital. His career’s starting point could hardly be called humble.

Misfortune lies in fortune; fortune hides within misfortune. Zhen Qian truly did not know whether to thank Meng Xiaoya, the girl who frightened the horse, for giving him another chance at life. Perhaps this was fate’s mysterious decree.

Upon arriving in the Tang Dynasty, Zhen Qian had barely time to rejoice at his escape from death before he heard the world reciting the entwined romance of Emperor Xuanzong and Lady Yang. The moment he listened more closely, the name An Lushan swept over him like a tidal wave, nearly making him faint with terror.

Xuanzong of Tang, Lady Yang, An Lushan, Gao Lishi, Yang Guozhong—each name had resounded through the ages. Whether their legacies were cursed or praised, whether they were traitors, villains, or tragic lovers, the turbulent era they inhabited was far beyond what a commonplace man like Zhen Qian could comprehend or endure.

Zhen Qian could no longer recall the exact year the An Shi Rebellion erupted—he was never a student of history, and he had idly imprinted the great events upon his mind.

Yet none of this hindered his understanding of the period. It was the turmoil of the An Shi Rebellion that marked the shift from the Tang Dynasty’s apex to its irreversible decline, ushering in a century of warlord fragmentation, the rise and fall of the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms. Whenever later generations discussed this era, it was with a sigh of sorrow.

The prospect of living through such chaos filled Zhen Qian with a sense of impending doom, as if the mighty edifice were about to collapse and the storm loomed overhead. In this hurricane, he was but a tiny ant, and how to survive became a problem he could not ignore.

If he believed that foreknowledge alone would let him turn the tide, it would be wishful thinking; he would likely be the first to perish.

The origin of the An Shi Rebellion lay in the rise of the frontier military governors.

During the reigns of Emperor Taizong and Emperor Gaozong, the Tang expanded its territory repeatedly, subduing Liaodong, the Eastern and Western Turks, Tuyuhun, and other regions, making the empire vast indeed. To strengthen central control over the frontiers, consolidate defenses, and govern foreign tribes, in the tenth year of the Kaiyuan era, Emperor Xuanzong established ten frontier garrisons managed by nine military governors and one commissioner.

These governors, each controlling several prefectures, not only managed military affairs but, due to their concurrent roles as inspectors, pacifiers, and finance commissioners, also wielded power over administration, finances, census, and land within their jurisdictions. Thus, the local prefects became their subordinates. According to the "New Book of Tang, Military Treatise No. 40," it was said: "They possess the land, the people, the arms, and the revenue." The military governors thus dominated their regions, growing too powerful to control, becoming a latent threat to the Tang government.

Military strength was concentrated outside the capital, giving An Lushan his opportunity.

At the beginning of the Tang, the imperial army system established 634 garrisons, with 261 positioned in Guanzhong to protect the capital, so military power favored the interior. This ensured the Tang court had sufficient troops to defend the capital and its rule. In the tenth year of Kaiyuan, Emperor Xuanzong allowed the military governors to command troops on the frontier, and their power grew, gradually surpassing the central authority. By the fourteenth year of Kaiyuan, the capital’s defense was entrusted to the elite cavalry. By the Tianbao era, frontier forces numbered 500,000. An Lushan himself held concurrent command over Pinglu, Fanyang, and Hedong, three contiguous garrisons, whose combined strength was the greatest—200,000 troops under his command. In contrast, the central government had fewer than 80,000 soldiers, creating a situation where military power outside outweighed that within, allowing local forces to threaten the central court.

Xuanzong’s neglect of governance allowed corrupt ministers to dominate and politics to decay.

In the later years of the Kaiyuan era, the country enjoyed peace, but Emperor Xuanzong lost the drive for good governance. After changing the era name to Tianbao, corruption worsened. Xuanzong became ever more indulgent, favoring Lady Yang, and An Lushan, seeking protection and advancement, called Lady Yang his mother. Thrift gave way to extravagance; he once bestowed the annual tribute from all regions upon Li Linfu. He handed over state affairs to Li Linfu and later Yang Guozhong. Li Linfu, a duplicitous prime minister, monopolized power for nineteen years, stifled dissent, and persecuted loyal officials. Yang Guozhong, promoted through Lady Yang’s favor, succeeded Li Linfu as prime minister, focused only on extracting wealth from the people, allowing petty men to wield power, worsening state affairs and enabling An Lushan’s schemes.

That year, torrential rain caused severe disaster. When Xuanzong inquired about the situation, Yang Guozhong presented a large millet spike, claiming harvests were unaffected. When some officials reported the disaster and requested relief, he flew into a rage and ordered harsh punishments. Yang Guozhong’s incompetence was matched only by his enthusiasm for meddling in government; he excelled in wrongdoing, accepting bribes and forming factions with ease.

Reliance on frontier generals led to severe cultural assimilation in the northern borderlands.

After Emperor Taizong subdued the Eastern Turks and Khitan tribes, he relocated them to Hebei, which became home to many nomads. The region was heavily assimilated, with scant Han cultural influence and distant ties to the Tang heartland. For easier governance, the Tang court relied on those fluent in multiple tribal languages and customs. When Li Linfu became prime minister, he sought to consolidate power by blocking frontier generals from entering central government, claiming nomads were loyal and urging Xuanzong to appoint them as military governors. He also allowed them to amass armies. Thus, An Lushan, himself a nomad, gained authority. The Juren troops of the northeastern fortress were his fiercest unit. By commanding three major garrisons and over 200,000 troops, An Lushan possessed both the power and ambition to rebel.

Some say An Lushan’s rebellion was entirely provoked by Yang Guozhong.

With command of 200,000 troops across three garrisons, An Lushan’s forces, trusted by Xuanzong, stirred the jealousy of Prime Minister Yang Guozhong. The two became bitter enemies, and Xuanzong failed to intervene. An Lushan, long harboring treasonous intent and wielding great power, raised the banner of rebellion under the pretext of punishing Yang.

Since the Sui and early Tang, northern Hebei and Youzhou had been inhabited by Khitan, Xi, and after Taizong defeated the Turks, many Turks were relocated there. Their customs differed from the Han, and mutual prejudice abounded. An Lushan exploited this, winning over tribal elites as loyal allies. According to history, before the Tianbao thirteenth year, An Lushan promoted 2,500 Xi and Khitan men as generals and colonels. Under his patronage, local minorities regarded An Lushan and Shi Siming as “two sages.” The conflict between central and local military powers became the most critical catalyst for the An Shi Rebellion.

The causes of the An Shi Rebellion were multifaceted, reflecting various social tensions: between rulers and the people, within the ruling class, among ethnic groups, and between central and regional powers. The first was economic.

During Xuanzong’s Kaiyuan era, the economy flourished, creating an age of prosperity. Yet feudal development accelerated land consolidation, forcing many peasants to migrate and flee. The equal-field system collapsed, and its farmers became drifters. Meanwhile, the ruling elite grew ever more corrupt. By the end of Kaiyuan, Xuanzong indulged in pleasure, and Lady Yang’s family wielded unchecked power, squandering resources. Craftsmen in the palace dedicated to Lady Yang’s embroidery numbered 700; her three sisters’ annual cosmetics expenses reached a million coins. The Yang family lived in wanton luxury. The decay of the ruling class increased the burden on the people, plunging them into misery.

The chaos in government affected the economy. The equal-field system disintegrated, tax revenue plummeted, while court expenditures increased due to Xuanzong’s extravagance, leaving the treasury depleted. Corruption reached the military; most recruits were idle rogues.

Next were class conflicts.

Intensification of internal struggles within the ruling class was the direct cause of the rebellion. In Xuanzong’s later years, the treacherous Li Linfu, “honey on his lips, sword in his belly,” controlled government for nineteen years, suppressing dissent and cultivating factions. His successor, Yang Guozhong, Lady Yang’s brother, cared nothing for the nation, only for personal gain. He accepted bribes openly, envied the talented, and acted arrogantly. Corrupt ministers deepened internal divisions, especially the power struggle between Yang Guozhong and An Lushan, which became the spark for the rebellion. Additionally, tension existed between northwest governor Geshu Han and northeast governor An Lushan. The intertwining of internal and external conflicts sharpened contradictions between ruler and minister, civil and military officials.

Then came ethnic conflicts.

Ethnic tensions were another factor not to be overlooked. Since the Sui and Tang, Hebei’s northern Youzhou region was inhabited by Khitan and Xi, and after Taizong defeated the Turks, many Turks were relocated there. Their customs differed from the Han, mutual prejudice prevailed. An Lushan, a nomad, exploited this to win over tribal elites as anti-Tang allies. History records that before the Tianbao thirteenth year, An Lushan promoted 2,500 Xi and Khitan men to generals and colonels.

Xuanzong failed to perceive the nation’s crisis, instead launching a series of ill-timed wars. Corruption and darkness fueled generals’ lust for achievement and promotion. Wanting glory and reward, frontier commanders provoked conflict at will, causing endless border warfare. Early border stability was shattered; relations with Tibet worsened, resulting in mutual casualties and loss of friendship. Arrogance among frontier commanders escalated conflict with Nanzhao in the southwest, leading to war and conscription. Over 200,000 Tang soldiers died in battle or from disease.

Lastly, internal conflicts—this is always a key reason for dynastic change.

The contradiction between central and regional military powers was the most important factor leading to the rebellion. With the equal-field and imperial army systems destroyed, the Tang had to rely on mercenary troops, who were bound by local warlords and their commanders in a complex, inseparable relationship. After the Kaiyuan era, the widespread establishment of frontier governors gave them ever more power: “They possess land, people, arms, and revenue,” creating an uncontrollable situation. By the first year of Tianbao, frontier troops had increased to 490,000, over 85% of the national total, mostly concentrated on the northeastern and northwestern borders—An Lushan’s three garrisons alone numbered 200,000. The central army was not only insufficient in numbers, but poor in quality, utterly unprepared for war and incapable in battle. The rising power of the governors deepened their conflict with central authority, and by the end of Tianbao, the inevitable explosion came—the An Shi Rebellion.

The outbreak of the rebellion was no accident, but an inevitable outcome. Had it not been An Lushan, it would have been Wang Lushan, Huang Lushan... It was unavoidable.

The Tang Dynasty’s vitality was severely damaged; the “golden age” of Kaiyuan was squandered, leaving only a facade of prosperity. The great edifice was already tottering.